不同茯苓提取物对急性肝损伤小鼠的保护作用

目的 研究茯苓不同提取部位对四氯化碳（carbon tetrachloride，CCl4）所致急性肝损伤的保护作用，并探讨其可能的作用机制。方法 〖JP2〗将120只昆明小鼠随机分为正常组，模型组，阳性药物组（水飞蓟素100 mg/kg），茯苓水提物低、中、高剂量组（30、60、120 mg/kg），茯苓醇提物低、中、高剂量组（25、50、100 mg/kg）以及茯苓多糖低、中、高剂量组（10、20、40 mg/kg），连续灌胃两周后腹腔注射0.5% CCl4溶液诱发小鼠急性肝损伤。模型复制12 h后处死小鼠，检测血清中谷氨酸氨基转移酶（alanine aminotransferase，ALT）、天冬氨酸氨基转移酶（aspartate aminotransferase，AST）和肝组织中超氧化物歧化酶（superoxide dismutase，SOD）、丙二醛（malondialdehyde，MDA）及白细胞介素-1β（interleukin-1β，IL-1β）、白细胞介素-6（interleukin-6，IL-6）和肿瘤坏死因子-α（tumor necrosis factor-α，TNF-α）水平；苏木精-伊红染色观察肝组织病理切片。结果 各给药组肝组织病理损伤减轻。与模型组比较，各给药组小鼠ALT、AST、MDA、IL-1β、IL-6和TNF-α水平均显著降低（P<0.05），SOD活性显著升高（P<0.05），且茯苓多糖的作用呈剂量依赖性，以茯苓多糖高剂量组最接近阳性药物组。结论 3种茯苓提取物对CCl4诱导的小鼠肝损伤均具有不同程度的保护作用，以茯苓多糖效果最为显著，其机制可能与增强肝脏抗氧化能力及减轻炎症有关。     

联合培养模式下法学藏汉双语教学的进路——以甘肃民族师范学院为例

目前,法学藏汉双语人才培养过程中还存在着培养目标模糊、师资和教材的匮乏、实际人才需求与培养目标之间存在差距等问题。文章以甘肃民族师范学院法学藏汉双语专业人才培养为例,以具体培养模式和教学活动为切入点,指出问题的同时,提出一些建议和思考。     

新就业形态劳动者的劳动权益保障 ：内容、现状及策略

新就业形态劳动者的劳动权益保障问题已成为政府和社会公众密切关注的重要问题。新就业形 态劳动者的劳动权益包括劳动就业权、劳动报酬权、劳动条件权和劳动救济权 4 类，并可以细分为 13 项权利。 本研究以外卖骑手为代表，进一步分析了新就业形态劳动者劳动就业权、劳动报酬权和劳动条件权中的社会保 障权的现状。研究发现，新就业形态劳动者的劳动就业权、劳动报酬权和社会保障权相比该群体劳动者的平均 情况都得到了改善。研究认为提升新就业形态劳动者的劳动权益保障水平需要更复杂的策略行动，包括继续发 挥好市场作用、处理好短期与长期的关系，以及政府与平台企业协同治理等。     

新时代中国特色社会主义语境中的服务型政府建设

党的十九大报告中已经明确提出了要大力加强“建设人民满意的服务型政府”,为此,新时代中国特色社会主义对服务型政府建设提出了新的建设要求与总体目标。从新时代的语境中加以分析,发现如今服务型政府建设还有许多不满足新要求的问题,主要体现在政府的服务范围、服务理念、服务主体和服务供给机制等方面。针对上述几方面存在的问题,可以从明确服务边界、牢固树立服务行政理念、加强服务队伍建设、形成以人民需求为导向的公共服务供给机制等方面来加以探讨。     

Press coverage of lone-actor terrorism in the UK and Denmark: shaping the reactions of the public,affected communities and copycat attackers

Following 9/11, Al-Qaeda-orchestrated plots were considered the greatest threat to Western security and sparked the coalition’s war on terror. Close to a decade later, the post-9/11 threat landscape had shifted significantly, leading then CIA-director Leon Panetta to describe “the lone-wolf strategy” as the main threat to the United States. Subsequent lone-actor attacks across the West, including the cities of London, Nice, Berlin, Stockholm, Ottawa and Charleston, further entrenched perspectives of a transformed security landscape in the “after, after-9/11” world. The unique features of lone-actor terrorism, including the challenges of interdiction and potential of copycat attacks, mean that the media is likely to play a particularly important role in shaping the reactions of the public, affected communities and copycat attackers. This article presents findings from a content analysis of British and Danish newspaper reporting of lone-actor terrorism between January 2010 and February 2015. The study highlights that lone-actor terrorism is framed, with national variations, as a significant and increasing problem in both countries; that Islamist lone-actors are often represented as distinct from far-right lone-actors; and that some reporting, despite relatively limited amplification of specific terrorist messages, potentially aids lone-actors by detailing state vulnerabilities to attacks.     

Shaking off the neoliberal shackles: “democratic emergence” and the negotiation of democratic knowledge in the Middle East North Africa context

ABSTRACT

There is a general assumption in democracy promotion that liberal democracy is the panacea that will solve all political and economic problems faced by developing countries. Using the concept of “good society” as analytical prism, the analysis shows that while there is a rhetorical agreement as to what the “good society” entails, democracy promotion practices fail to allow for recipients’ inclusion in the negotiation and delivery of the “good society”. Contrasting US and Tunisian discourses on the “good society”, the article argues that democracy promotion practices are underpinned by neoliberal parameters borne out from a reliance on the transition paradigm, which in turn leave little room to democracy promotion recipients to formulate knowledge claims supporting the emergence of alternative conceptions of the “good society”. In contrast, the article opens up a reflective pathway to a negotiated democratic knowledge, which would reside in a paradigmatic change that consists in the abandonment of the transition paradigm in favour of a “democratic emergence” paradigm.     

后"伊斯兰国"时期恐怖意识形态蔓延:一个新的讨论框架

当前，国际联军打击“伊斯兰国”战事已进入尾声，然而，地面战场的失败并不意味着“伊斯兰国”思想的消亡。从萨拉菲-吉哈德主义极端意识形态发展脉络框架下考察，“伊斯兰国”在这一思想脉络中的独特历史地位塑造了它当前与未来的思想发展方式。国际社会需要认识到，当前反恐战争所面对的“战败者”可能并不认为自己已经失败，其意识形态过去近半个世纪危机式发展赋予了“伊斯兰国”面对失败的独特抵抗能力。“基地”组织在2011年被击溃后的历史也证明，在可预见的未来，“伊斯兰国”将很有可能继续在扩大其基本怀旧式叙事、赋予战败以合法性的同时，还将通过“全球恐怖商标”下的“特许经营”模式，将一种“暴力即思想”的恐怖思想内核进一步扩散并升级。国际社会打击“伊斯兰国”战争，可能刚刚到一个需要进行“中期评估”的时候，这场战争远未结束。     

Brexit,Cabinet Norms and the Ministerial Code: Are we Living in a post-Nolan Era?

The Nolan Report will celebrate its twenty-fifth anniversary in 2020, and for most of this last quarter-century, it has provided the underlying ethical basis for public life in the United Kingdom. However, its principles are now being called into question in a number of areas, following the Conservative government’s loss of its parliamentary majority in the 2017 election, with the interests of party taking precedence over adherence to both the spirit and the codified practical implementation of some of the ultimate outcomes of Nolan, namely the Ministerial Code and the Commissioner for Parliamentary Standards. This article argues, with explicit evidence and examples, that ministerial conduct which would not have been tolerated before 2017 is now being routinely ignored in the interest of maintaining party unity in order to deliver some form of Brexit. The article concludes by asking whether Nolan norms still command consensus post-Brexit.     

Do As I Did Not As I Say: Blair,New Labour and Party Traditions

Corbynism, to its internal critics, is a ‘hard left’ anachronism. New Labour, to its detractors, was basically Thatcherism. We argue that these meta narratives, critical to internal identity, are flawed. They are pulling the party apart for reasons of political strength and at the expense both of broader interpretation and longer-term cohesion. Through an analysis of ‘early’ New Labour, we show that how Blair’s project ended is not how it began, and therefore isn’t the whole story. The now half-forgotten history of New Labour in opposition holds important lessons, including for those trying—for the most part unsuccessfully—to keep the ‘modernising’ flame alive. If the modernisers are to win more converts to their cause they must learn to do what Blair and New Labour did in opposition and not what Blair says today. Drawing on the concept of Labour’s ‘ethos’, we offer five lessons from the party’s past.     

Prisons or Problem-Solving: Does the Public Support Specialty Courts?

ABSTRACT

Recently, “problem-solving” courts have been developed as an alternative to imprisonment. They are often called “specialty” courts because they process and divert into treatment programs offenders who are seen as different from the general criminal population, such as those with mental health or drug problems, those who are homeless or veterans, and those who engage in domestic violence. Based on a 2017 national survey of 1,000 respondents, the current study examines overall public support for rehabilitation as a goal of corrections and then focuses specifically on support for different types of specialty courts. The analysis reveals that the American public endorses not only the rehabilitative ideal but also the use of problem-solving courts. Further, with only minimal variation, strong support for these courts appears to exist regardless of political orientation and sociodemographic characteristics.